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MEDIA BIAS : COMMENTARY 

Click here for detailed media bias evidence.

I. Why was the media so late to cover Trent Lott, among others? (12/14/02)
We think it is instructive to examine this question using a recent, interesting exchange on the liberal side - between TAPPED and the Daily Howler. Reproduced below is the exchange followed in the end by our analysis/comments. (For updates on the Trent Lott saga, go here).

Direct quote from Daily Howler [brown colored text is our emphasis]:
Why was the press corps slow to react to Lott’s remark? At THE HOWLER, we really can’t say. We have said this: It’s hard to believe that the corps is spilling with “liberal bias” when it drags its feet on a story like this. When Andrew Sullivan has to badger NPR on this topic, just where is the corps’ liberal bias?
Once again, liberal bias seemed to be missing in action. Indeed, as the flap about Lott keeps unfolding, we can’t even find liberal worldviews at well-known “liberal” sites! On Wednesday, TAPPED explained the corps’ slow reaction. Try to believe that they said it:

TAPPED: WILL LOTT GO? It’s amazing to Tapped that this story almost went away. (InstaPundit is correct that the incestuousness of Washington politics and media is largely to blame. Everybody here knows everybody.)

Why did the corps go slow on Lott? TAPPED endorses Instapundit, who says it shows that everyone is too buddy-buddy inside Washington. Amazingly, it doesn’t even occur to TAPPED that the press tends to bow to conservative power, especially when “dirty secret” segregation groups are involved. Does TAPPED’S buddy-buddy theory make sense? For example, did the corps ignore the Georgia flag flap because it was just so chummy with Peach State participants? Plainly, that story did not involve an insider class—but the pundit corps punted there, too.

Pathetic, isn’t it? In citing Insta, TAPPED recites Andrew Sullivan’s line (Insta voiced it first). Here was Sullivan’s take on this topic—an interpretation which preserves the idea that “liberal bias” is ruling the media:

SULLIVAN: Howie Kurtz notices how much quicker on the draw the blogosphere was on the matter of Trent Lott’s declared regrets for the passing of Jim Crow. I’m still stunned at how little the New York Times made of it (although Krugman seems to have drawn from lots of blogosphere arguments for his column today). Why this discrepancy? I don’t really know. One thought I have is that the media bigwigs really do operate socially in Washington and find it hard to pounce on people they know, like, respect or need as a source.
Sully says that “DC socialization” explains the pundit corps’ lazy response. Thank goodness! This way, he doesn’t have to voice an unwelcome thought. He doesn’t have to say that Washington’s pundits may not be so liberal after all.
This view makes perfect sense—from Sullivan. But TAPPED buys it hook, line and sinker. Readers, where oh where is liberal bias? We suffer from such a brainwashed insider clique that even liberals can’t seem to imagine that the pundit corps bows to con power.

 

Direct quote of response from TAPPED [brown colored text is our emphasis]:
We'll get right to the point: When, exactly, did Bob Somerby become such a blundering idiot? There was a time when Somerby provided a useful corrective to the media's tendency to distort and recycle conservative propaganda about Democrats, particularly Al Gore, Somerby's old college roommate. But now Somerby's off in la-la land, his rants increasingly bizarre and nonsensical, and so consumed by his obsessive-paranoid worldview that he attacks people who basically agree with him. Case in point: Us.

In a new post, Somerby links to this Tapped post on Trent Lott, where we agreed with InstaPundit and Andrew Sullivan that one reason (one!) the Lott story almost died was that Washington is in many ways a very small town -- that is, a place where reporters, politicians and lobbyists are both friends and adversaries; where a strong "don't rock the boat" ethic sometimes prevails; and where the big division is often the gap between the permanent establishment and everyone else. In other words, one can imagine that Tom Daschle finds it hard to publicly attack Trent Lott when he has to work with Lott every day. And one can imagine, hypothetically, a reporter whose best friend works for a Republican senator being reluctant to write a story flatly accusing Lott of being a racist -- until everyone else piles on, at which point the reporter can write stories about "questions mounting." This kind of thing is not uncommon. It's just the way Washington works. And Tapped thinks it played a part in the Lott coverage, as did the press' pack behavior.

To be honest, this wasn't a very original thought on our part. It's a time-honored trope of Beltway culture. (And it's usually a liberal complaint, not a conservative one.) Imagine, then, our surprise when Somerby attacked us as sops to the right:

Why did the corps go slow on Lott? TAPPED endorses Instapundit, who says it shows that everyone is too buddy-buddy inside Washington. Amazingly, it doesn’t even occur to TAPPED that the press tends to bow to conservative power, especially when "dirty secret" segregation groups are involved. Does TAPPED’S buddy-buddy theory make sense? For example, did the corps ignore the Georgia flag flap because it was just so chummy with Peach State participants? Plainly, that story did not involve an insider class -- but the pundit corps punted there, too. Pathetic, isn’t it? In citing Insta, TAPPED recites Andrew Sullivan’s line (Insta voiced it first)...Sully says that “DC socialization” explains the pundit corps’ lazy response. Thank goodness! This way, he doesn’t have to voice an unwelcome thought. He doesn’t have to say that Washington’s pundits may not be so liberal after all. This view makes perfect sense -- from Sullivan. But TAPPED buys it hook, line and sinker. Readers, where oh where is liberal bias? We suffer from such a brainwashed insider clique that even liberals can’t seem to imagine that the pundit corps bows to con power.

This is such a mush of twisted logic and impenetrable non sequiturs that we're not sure where to begin. If Somerby really thinks that the press sat on the Lott story to "bow to conservative power" -- whatever the heck that means -- or out of some kind of sympathy for neo-Confederates, fine. He's entitled to his own opinions, however deranged. But please, man, leave us out of it.

 

OUR COMMENTS:
While we certainly don't want to bash TAPPED (which is a site we love and visit every day), we can't but help notice that TAPPED thoroughly made themselves look like an unthinking lot with their response to the Daily Howler. Here are the main reasons why:
1. First, TAPPED claims they said the incestuousness of Washington politics and media is just "one reason (one!)" for the Press Corps' feet dragging on Trent Lott. Their original statement contradicts this claim. They clearly said: "incestuousness...largely to blame..." To a casual reader, it is crystal clear that they bought InstaPundit's "theory" hook, line and sinker as Daily Howler said.
2. Second, TAPPED, responds to Howler's theory more by restating their original point than by analyzing in depth, situations which their theory does not explain (one example was provided by Daily Howler). True, TAPPED does provide more explanation through what we will refer to (for brevity's sake) as the "reporter's best-friend-and-stuff (RBS) theory". However, Daily Howler's point (as far as we can tell) is that the RBS theory may in part explain feet dragging on Trent Lott but RBS becomes less than crisp when trying to extend it to (one of many) other controversial issues that require anti-Conservative or anti-right-wing stances. 
Indeed, without additional qualifications, the RBS postulate cannot easily explain how so-called liberal media falsely flagellate and vilify pro-liberal groups or individuals with such ease, and to such a massive degree, often over much more inconsequential issues in comparison. The additional qualification which would bring some merit to the RBS theory? If we were to postulate that the best friends of reporters tend to be Republicans or Conservatives more than Democrats or Liberals. This would explain the schism between fact and reality in press coverage ably, and prove Daily Howler's hypothesis that the big guns of the media are not really liberal, but rather [fill in the blanks!]. 
Does this mean we believe in this qualified RBS theory? We don't know at this point. But, it is a good companion theory to the other one that we think should also be looked into: media that focuses on the financial bottomline rather than facts will report whatever it takes to increase the bottomline, and not necessarily what it takes to convey the facts. Especially if a dedicated pursuit of facts will turn the wide world of conservative watchdogs and popular false media (Faux News, Rush etc.) against them and potentially take customers ($$$) away. Thus, in the Lott case, much of the media seemed to have lapped on to the story only after a while, because Conservative watchdogs themselves expressed outrage, making it easier for the likes of CNN and MSNBC to become more fixated on real problems rather than on someone's hair, wardrobe or beard. 
3. Third, TAPPED responds in a manner that we are more accustomed to seeing Conservatives doing. They trash the personality or character of their critic, using words like "blundering idiot", "off in la-la land", "rants...bizarre and nonsensical", "obsessive-paranoid worldview", "opinions...deranged". We hope TAPPED will realize what they have done and correct it. Mr. Somerby is no Michael Kelly. Disagree on the points - but don't unfairly vilify folks!
4. Fourth, TAPPED claims "he [Daily Howler] attacks people who basically agree with him. Case in point: Us". Sorry TAPPED. Mr. Somerby's point was exactly that TAPPED's views are not in agreement with his. And TAPPED proved his assertion lucidly with their attempted defense.

Folks, get over the myths being still spun by your erstwhile colleagues on the other side of the ideological spectrum!
This is a conservative media, with many (not ALL) reporters and journalists either being conservatives themselves or (if liberal) afraid to report against Conservatives ("bow to conservative power") for fear of upsetting the right-wing media machines and by extension their own financial bottomline. That's life. This repeats over and over and fully explains why Trent Lott survived this long. 

There are a couple of ways to deal with this reality. One way is to build an alternative media (foundation laid by today's blogosphere) and we have some ideas in this respect that we are mulling over.
We can start with the Internet, something we should all be thankful to Al Gore for (really). Another way is to rally the groups affected by each issue and make them campaign in full public view (ideally all over the country) - a good example of how this helps is the case of the 9/11 Victims' Families coalition and how they have (with difficulty) succeeded in effectively getting Kissinger to resign.  

Update on 1/13/03: Daily Howler and TAPPED had another round of exchanges. See here and here. We end with Howler's piece.


II. The myth of liberal media bias 
For detailed eRiposte evidence that shreds the so-called liberal media bias myth, go to our Media Bias home page.   

3/13/03 Media deference to President Bush, especially on Iraq
Click here for details.

3/7/03 The "liberal media" (initially) buying Colin Powell and Bush on Iraq
Daily Howler covers (here and here) how some of the "liberal" pundits bought the "evidence" against Iraq from Colin Powell without bothering to do any due diligence on independently establishing its veracity, and then expressed buyer's remorse. 

02/24/03

AND BILL MAKES THREE: Incredibly, William Raspberry has become the third Post pundit to do a flip on Colin Powell. Here’s the start of this morning’s column:

RASPBERRY: This is hard. So soon after very nearly swooning over Colin Powell’s report to the United Nations Security Council, I find myself thinking the once unthinkable: I don’t believe him.

Like Mary McGrory and Richard Cohen (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 2/14/03), Raspberry stampeded in praise of Powell’s report before he took the time to review it. Now, like McGrory and Cohen before him, the pundit retracts his high praise.

Why has Raspberry changed his mind? Try to believe that our major pundits behave in so careless a manner:

RASPBERRY: Whence my change of heart? For one thing, I’ve had time to digest that tour de force performance of earlier this month. For another, I’ve been listening and reading (particularly Dilip Hiro’s book “Iraq: In the Eye of the Storm”). And finally, I’ve found it impossible to see how Powell’s allegations and speculation—even if they are all true—lead so ineluctably to war.
In short, Raspberry wrote his earlier column—which helped form a consensus about this crucial matter—before he “had time to digest” it. To state the obvious, the concerns he now cites had been widely debated for months before Powell’s big speech.

It’s almost impossible to describe the worthlessness of the Post’s op-ed “liberals.” Indeed, how wed is this tribe to Conventional Wisdom? Even now, when Raspberry says that Powell’s speech “comes to the same thing” as lying, the pundit still feels that he has to call the presentation a “tour de force.”

Let’s review. A defining war is on the table. Despite that, The Post Three stampeded in praise of Powell without even taking the time for reflection. Now, they’ve started to read and to think. Who else is ever this careless?

03/06/03

COOLIN’ ON COLIN: In this morning’s Washington Post, Mary McGrory begs and pleads about her February 6 column. In that piece, McGrory joined a stampede of pundits; they simply couldn’t run fast enough to praise Colin Powell’s U.N. presentation (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 2/14/03, 2/24/03). But as we learn in her column today, McGrory’s readers were none too pleased by her pander to Powell. Today, she tries to talk her way out of the piece that has readers so hugely kerflubbled.

McGrory is clearly right on one point. The headline on the offending column—“I’m Persuaded”—overstated its contents. It implied that McGrory was ready for war, which wasn’t quite what she had said. But McGrory fails to come to terms with the foolishness of her column on Colin. At one point today, she wriggles away, penning this hopeless excuse:

MCGRORY: What impressed me about Powell’s presentation, besides his magisterial presence and impeccable prose, were the poisons he showed and the malice behind them. I did not have the benefit of the informed criticism that followed. The Post’s Walter Pincus wrote a summation of the weakest link in Powell’s speech, the al Qaeda connection. Lately, the coming conflict is presented seamlessly as “a war against Iraq and terrorism.”
And that’s right. McGrory didn’t “have the benefit of the informed criticism that followed”—because she rushed into print the very next day, insisting that Powell was perfect. In fact, she had no way of judging what the general had said, but she—like other pandering pundits—simply ran as fast as she could to praise Powell’s work to the skies. And even now, she understates the problems with Powell’s presentation. She panders to Post insider Pincus, saying that he found a glitch. But she fails to acknowledge the other problems that have turned up—the fact that Powell used worthless material cut-and-pasted from a 12-year-old grad school paper, for example, or the fact that Gilbert Cranberg wrote a piece challenging Powell’s translation (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 2/25/03). Even now, McGrory shades the truth. Or maybe she hasn’t yet had the chance to look through that “informed criticism.”

But then, are you really surprised by this lazy scribe’s work? Here’s the passage in which she explains her general judgment of Powell:
MCGRORY: I have thought well of Colin Powell since I heard him say that the most important lesson to teach the young is that they should do whatever job is assigned and do it well. As a teenager he mopped the floors at a soft-drink bottling factory so well he was promoted to the bottling line. His role in the Iran-contra scandal as an aide to Caspar Weinberger was not glorious, but I was ready to vote for him for president if he ran in 1996.
Mary McGrory thinks highly of Powell because he said that kids should do their jobs well, and because he mopped the floor when he was a teen. The mopping outweighs Iran-contra. And oh yes. As we see in the first passage quoted above, McGrory assumed that Powell’s report was OK “because of his magisterial presence.”

How vacuous is the Washington “press corps?” Read through McGrory’s column.

2/18/03
Editors often write what the owner wants, especially if the owner is a true blue right-winger
If one needs evidence for how the owners of big media influence news coverage and opinions, look no further than Mr. Rupert Murdoch. As Roy Greenslade points out in The Guardian:

Rupert Murdoch argued strongly for a war with Iraq in an interview this week. Which might explain why his 175 editors around the world are backing it too, writes Roy Greenslade
Monday February 17, 2003
The Guardian


(W)hat a guy! You have got to admit that Rupert Murdoch is one canny press tycoon because he has an unerring ability to choose editors across the world who think just like him. How else can we explain the extraordinary unity of thought in his newspaper empire about the need to make war on Iraq? After an exhaustive survey of the highest-selling and most influential papers across the world owned by Murdoch's News Corporation, it is clear that all are singing from the same hymn sheet. Some are bellicose baritone soloists who relish the fight. Some prefer a less strident, if more subtle, role in the chorus. But none, whether fortissimo or pianissimo, has dared to croon the anti-war tune. Their master's voice has never been questioned.

Murdoch is chairman and chief executive of News Corp which owns more than 175 titles on three continents, publishes 40 million papers a week and dominates the newspaper markets in Britain, Australia and New Zealand. His television reach is greater still, but broadcasting - even when less regulated than in Britain - is not so plainly partisan. It is newspapers which set the agenda.

It isn't always clear exactly what Murdoch believes on any given issue, but this time we know for certain, courtesy of an interview in the Australian magazine, the Bulletin (which, by the way, he doesn't own). To cite the report of that interview in Murdoch's own Sydney Daily Telegraph, the "media magnate...has backed President Bush's stance against Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein". Indeed, his quotes are specific. "We can't back down now, where you hand over the whole of the Middle East to Saddam...I think Bush is acting very morally, very correctly, and I think he is going to go on with it". Then came words of praise for Tony Blair. "I think Tony is being extraordinarily courageous and strong... It's not easy to do that living in a party which is largely composed of people who have a knee-jerk anti-Americanism and are sort of pacifist. But he's shown great guts as he did, I think, in Kosovo and various problems in the old Yugoslavia."

Most revealing of all was Murdoch's reference to the rationale for going to war, blatantly using the o-word. Politicians in the United States and Britain have strenuously denied the significance of oil, but Murdoch wasn't so reticent. He believes that deposing the Iraqi leader would lead to cheaper oil. "The greatest thing to come out of this for the world economy...would be $20 a barrel for oil. That's bigger than any tax cut in any country."....

1/13/03
American Press have become the President's men, says Matthew Engel
We quote (bold text is our emphasis):
"...It is more than 30 years ago now, though it seems like yesterday. A Republican president, much derided by liberals, was in the White House and his opponents were being lashed by the rightwing attack dogs, led then by the vice-president, Spiro Agnew. The elite East Coast press, exemplified by the New York Times and the Washington Post, were the special targets of his scorn: "pointy-headed liberals," he called them, and "the nattering nabobs of negativism". But the press laughed last and longest. Agnew resigned in disgrace, to be followed by his president, Richard Nixon - forced out by the investigations of two Post reporters, Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward, whose doggedness revealed Nixon's role in covering up the Watergate break-in and sundry other crimes. It remains one of the greatest - maybe the greatest - moment in the history of American journalism.

Now there is a new Republican president, elected even more controversially and pursuing a far more divisive agenda. Where are the pointy-head liberals now? The change can be summed up in Woodward's own career. As the Watergate investigator, he not merely protected his sources, he glamorised them. Now, still on the Post staff, he functions as a semi-official court stenographer to the Bush White House. And it is notable that those who talk to him - such as the president himself - always play the heroic role in his stories. The worldwide turmoil caused by President Bush's policies goes not exactly unreported, but entirely de-emphasised....

...Indeed, there is hardly any such thing as the liberal press. Since Watergate, the Post has acquired a virtual monopoly over the Washington newspaper market, grown fat and - frankly - journalistically flabby. Its op-ed page is notable for its turgid prose, its conservative slant, and the apologetic tone of its more liberal contributors. The rival page in the New York Times has far more spark, and - in the unfortunate absence of political opposition - has provided the only forum for serious national debate over the Iraq issue. But the Times' own editorials over Iraq, possibly reflecting internal tensions, have been uncertain. And the paper feels itself a little beleaguered, even marginalised, by the strategies employed by the Bush White House....Day after day, rightwing radio talk hosts dominate the airwaves, deriding opponents and cutting off callers who argue. Indeed, to emphasise the turnaround, one of the most ferocious is run by G Gordon Liddy, who was jailed for his role in Watergate. ("There are no second acts in American lives" - Scott Fitzgerald. Wrong.) The doyen of them, Rush Limbaugh, reaches an estimated 20 million listeners a week....

...And political courage is especially rare. reporters in Washington are kept in line by the standard threat: annoy us, and your stories dry up....

In the face of this, only one White House reporter, Dana Milbank of the Post, regularly employs scepticism and irreverence in his coverage of the Bush administration- he is said to dodge the threats because he is regarded as an especially engaging character. It is more mysterious that only the tiniest handful of liberal commentators ever manage to irritate anyone in the government: there is Paul Krugman in the New York Times, Molly Ivins down in Texas and, after that, you have to scratch your head.

To some extent, journalists have felt obliged to tone down criticisms because of the sense of shared national purpose after September 11. Even that cannot explain how the papers cravenly ignored the Trent Lott story. Lott, the veteran senator from Mississippi, made his pro- segregation statement on a Thursday, in full earshot of the Washington press corps. The Times and Post both failed to mention it. Indeed, it was almost totally ignored until the following Tuesday, kept alive until then only by a handful of bloggers. If there is a Watergate scandal lurking in this administration, it is unlikely to be Woodward or his colleagues who will tell us about it. If it emerges, it will probably come out on the web. That is a devastating indictment of the state of American newspapers.

1/3/03
The media's labeling of Nancy Pelosi vs. their labeling of Tom DeLay 

1/1/03
New York Times acknowledges that Democrats are outflanked by right-wing in media wars
"...Should the organizers succeed at starting a foundation, it would not have anywhere near the number of prominent, outright partisan media voices that its conservative counterparts do. Democrats can point to a scant few. Their most prominent television advocates, James Carville and Paul Begala on 'Crossfire' and Bill Press on CNN's 'Buchanan and Press,' square off each day against conservative counterparts. Mr. Donahue stands alone on MSNBC, but his program has struggled some against the far more watched Bill O'Reilly on Fox and Connie Chung on CNN.
Conservatives have Mr. Limbaugh, Sean Hannity, Michael Reagan and Neal Boortz, who collectively draw an audience of at least 30 million people per week with a strictly conservative message. They are led, of course, by Mr. Limbaugh, with an estimated audience of up to 20 million people a week, and Mr. Hannity, with nearly 10 million. Democrats, most recently Al Gore, have also complained that the Fox News Channel, overseen by the former Republican strategist Roger E. Ailes, slants its coverage against Democrats, a charge Mr. Ailes denies. Its average nightly audience of about 1.3 million people is the largest in cable news. In one of the more ambitious of the ideas circulating, a group of wealthy Democratic supporters is toying with the idea of starting a liberal cable network. That endeavor would cost in the hundreds of millions and require the backing of a media company with enough leverage to force it onto the major cable systems..."
Blogger Skippy examines this further, pointing out why even successful liberal talk show hosts are having trouble getting airtime.

12/25/02
The alarming right-wing orientation of talk radio in America
Wayne Madsen writes for Knight Ridder highlighting the need to change the telecommunications laws to bring back balance to talk radio in America (bold text is our emphasis). A more creative exposure of the myth of liberal media comes from BartCop.

It is high time for the Federal Communications Commission to re-institute its traditional Fairness Doctrine and guarantee equal access for all points of view over the public — that is — our airwaves. The Fairness Doctrine was scrapped by the FCC in 1987 during a time when Ronald Reagan was out to get the government out of practically every facet of our lives. But the deregulation by the FCC of radio only ensured that mega-media corporations were able to gobble up more and more independently owned stations and then offer up zealots like Rush Limbaugh and what Sen. Tom Daschle, D-S.D., calls Rush wannabes on hundreds of radio stations across the country.

Soon, both local and nationally syndicated Rush wannabes began offering a daily concoction of right-wing politics to a public that largely ignored their local newspapers and relied upon the radio rants for their news. In some cases, the vitriol came directly from the fax machines of the Republican National Committee. In other cases, the propaganda echoed that written in the Washington Times or on right-wing Internet sites like the Drudge Report, World Net Daily and News Max.

Liberal alternatives cannot be found on the public commercial airwaves. A few liberals, like Jim Hightower, found an outlet on a few public radio stations, but their reach to the general public is worse than Radio Free Europe's during the days of Soviet radio jamming....With Gore, Daschle and Durbin all finally aware of the misuse of the public commercial airwaves by the Republican Party and its rightist allies, the FCC's commissioners must revisit the Fairness Doctrine. However, time is of the essence because the FCC, under the leadership of Michael Powell, the son of Secretary of State Colin Powell, is considering scrapping even more FCC regulations over OUR airwaves.

12/20/02
Debunking Bernard Goldberg's woeful "Bias"
Geoffrey Nunberg of The American Prospect has done what we believe is one of the most complete and thorough refuting of the liberal bias myth perpetrated by the Right and my some in the mainstream media. His series is available in these links. Part I, Part II, Part III. They are a bit too detailed to summarize in brief, but the bottomline is that he clearly shows that if we label media based on their subjective or objective assignment of liberal/left-leaning or conservative/ right-leaning terminologies to describe people or groups, then the evidence shows the media has a conservative bias.

Another detailed study from 1998, perhaps more thorough than Nunberg's, is the work by FAIR. Their conclusions? We quote (bold text is our emphasis):

- On select issues from corporate power and trade to Social Security and Medicare to health care and taxes, journalists are actually more conservative than the general public

- Journalists are mostly centrist in their political orientation.

- The minority of journalists who do not identify with the "center" are more likely to identify with the "right" when it comes to economic issues and to identify with the "left" when it comes to social issues.

- Journalists report that "business-oriented news outlets" and "major daily newspapers" provide the highest quality coverage of economic policy issues, while "broadcast network TV news" and "cable news services" provide the worst.

In a separate note in Buzz Flash, at least some Conservatives cited there agree that the liberal media bias tag is false.

12/19/02
The incomparable Bob Somerby at the Daily Howler further shreds Mr. Kelly's recent B.S.

Direct quote of Daily Howler [brown colored and bold text is our emphasis]:
“In 17 years of news content analysis, especially of network evening news broadcasts, [Robert] Lichter’s Center for Media and Public Affairs has consistently found evidence of liberal bias,” Kelly claims, “and this has not changed in the past few years.” But then Kelly gives “[s]ome recent findings from content analyses of the nightly network newscasts”—and the evidence doesn’t support his claim in any way, shape or form. Why on earth does the Washington Post keep putting such work into print? 
Do Lichter’s studies show “liberal bias…in the past few years?” Simply put, the claim is fiction. Kelly cites data from four recent studies. But three of the studies don’t even begin to support his much-ballyhooed thesis. Here is Kelly’s first example, concerning the 2000 White House race:

KELLY: In the 2000 presidential election, both candidates received mostly negative press, and largely to the same degree: George W. Bush received only 37 percent positive coverage; Al Gore, only 40 percent.

More on that study a bit later. Here is Kelly’s second example, concerning Bush and Clinton’s first 100 days (he quotes a Lichter study):

KELLY: “Only 43 percent of all on-air evaluations of George W. Bush were favorable” in Bush’s first 100 days in office (compared with a similarly negative 40 percent for Clinton in his first 100).
According to these data, Bush got slightly better coverage than Clinton during his first 100 days in office. And Gore got slightly better coverage than Bush during the 2000 campaign. In each case, the numbers are so close that it would be absurd to claim a significant difference; Kelly himself says that Bush and Clinton got “similarly negative” coverage. So how are these studies supposed to show continuing “liberal bias?” We leave that to the reader’s imagination—the only organ equipped to interpret Kelly’s work. And believe it or not, here’s example 3. Try to believe that he wrote it:
KELLY: Bush did get a terrific bounce from the rallying effect of Sept. 11. From that day through Nov. 19, 2001, Bush “received the most positive coverage ever measured for a president over an extended period of time”—64 percent positive to 36 percent negative. But Bush’s high of 77 percent positive that September was down to 59 percent within two months.
Only in the world of Kelly! Only there is 59 percent positive coverage for Bush a sign of continuing liberal bias! Only there does “the most positive coverage ever measured for a president” seem to show that the press won’t play fair.

But this, of course, is vintage Kelly—ballyhooed evidence which in no way supports the claim being loudly brayed. Can anyone answer the obvious question: Why in the world does the Washington Post keep putting such work into print? Regarding this latest column, were editors really unable to see the ludicrous nature of the evidence? Or is this work in the Post for political correctness, as a servile bow to conservative power—put there so the Post can defend itself against claims of “liberal bias?” Whatever the answer, we’ve long told you this: Your press corps is fundamentally lacking in purpose. They don’t seem to care about their work. It would be odd to see a high school paper put work so inept into print.

Meanwhile, a few remarks about the CMPA study on Campaign 2000. The study only covers evening network news broadcasts—one of the most pared-down parts of American news—and it only covers the period from 9/4/00 to 11/7/00. This includes the single period in the twenty-month race when the press corps clearly turned on Bush—the (roughly) three-week period after Gore jumped ahead in the polls in the aftermath of the Democratic Convention. This was the period of the subliminal RATS ad and the major-league assholethe single period in the two-year campaign when Gore got better treatment than Bush.

At other points, the coverage was different. For example, Lichter’s study of the primary season shows Gore getting substantially worse coverage. According to the study, which Kelly ignored, the primaries broke down like this:

Bush: 53 percent positive coverage
Gore: 40 percent positive coverage
Lichter’s studies can only provide a crude measure. But those numbers tend to reflect a basic fact. Except for that three-week period through mid-September, Bush got better coverage than Gore at every point in the twenty-month race. (In June 1999, for example, Paul Gigot called Bush’s coverage “adoring.”) And remember: Lichter’s studies only involve nightly newscasts by the three nets—a small slice of the media pie. Another Lichter study shows that election coverage on these broadcasts fell almost 40 percent as compared to the ’92 race.

12/18/02
Although there is a lot more we will be saying on this over the next few months, we'll kick off this segment with the most recent lunacy of Michael Kelly, who is a "two-part series" (1, 2) in the Washington Post asserts as usual how the national media has "liberal bias." Joe Conason's response in Salon appropriately addresses Mr. Kelly's flight of fancy. 

Direct quote of response from Joe Conason (Salon) [brown colored and bold text is our emphasis]:
Kelly relies entirely on data and quotes from the Center for Media and Public Affairs and its president, S. Robert Lichter. The data, much of which is quite dated, purports to show that reporters for the mainstream media are mostly liberal Democrats. It also purports to show that network newscasts have been slanted in favor of Clinton, against Bush and war on Iraq, and so on.

Kelly's own slant begins with his description of Lichter's organization as "independent" -- a term that falsely suggests absence of ideological bias. Had the columnist bothered with minimal research concerning Lichter and the Center, he might have discovered that they are and always have been terribly dependent on right-wing foundations. According to MediaTransparency.org -- which tracks nonprofit funding from IRS 990 forms -- the Center has received $2.3 million from the Scaife, Olin, Bradley and Smith Richardson foundations, the big four of the far right. That figure includes $275,000 in 2001 and $200,000 in 2000 alone.

So when Lichter tells Kelly that journalists can't help reflecting bias in their work, he might as well be talking about himself. There is nothing "scientific" about his research into bias, since all of his organization's judgments about favorable or unfavorable coverage on newscasts are inevitably subjective. At an even more basic level of dishonesty, it's ridiculous to assume that newspapers or newscasts reflect the supposed Democratic bias of reporters, the lowest-ranking figures in the media. Why wouldn't they instead reflect the bias of editors, publishers, directors and management, all of which tend to be Republican and conservative? Editor & Publisher polled the nation's newspaper executives just before the 2000 election, and found an overwhelming preference for George W. Bush.

We also know that Jack Welch, former chief of NBC (and GE) is an ardent Republican. So was Larry Tisch when he owned CBS. So are Richard Parsons and Steve Case of CNN (and Time Warner AOL). Michael Eisner (Disney ABC) gave to Bill Bradley and Al Gore, but he gave more to Bush and McCain -- and he supported Rick Lazio for the Senate against Hillary Clinton. Rupert Murdoch and John Malone are big Republican supporters of the Cato Institute. So why isn't anybody complaining about the "conservative bias" of media executives?

12/11/02
Al Gore-Naomi Wolf blather
Quoting Daily Howler:

Let’s go back to November 1999. At that time, the Washington press corps was thoroughly shocked about Gore’s controversial adviser. According to Time, New York writer Naomi Wolf was serving as an adviser to Gore. Wolf was a thoroughly mainstream figure. A former Rhodes Scholar, she had written three international best-sellers; her first book, The Beauty Myth, had been picked by the New York Times as one of the seventy most influential books of the century. Nor was Wolf a stranger to party politics; she had been a regular adviser to the 1996 Clinton campaign, and her husband, David Shipley, was a Clinton speech-writer. And how had Wolf first become so controversial? By arguing from the feminist center against certain views of the feminist left! Needless to say, pundits routinely hid this fact in their gimmicked-up, month-long Wolf flap.

Wolf was a mainstream figure. But the pundit world went into shock at the news that Wolf was advising Gore. And they flogged the amazing amount she was earning—$15,000 per month!!! In the November 1 Washington Post, Ceci Connolly put the sum right in her very first sentence:

CONNOLLY: Vice President Gore acknowledged yesterday that he hired controversial feminist Naomi Wolf for a $15,000-a-month consulting fee, saying the author and columnist is a “valued adviser” who has helped him target younger voters.
The pundit corps mocked Wolf for a month. She was even compared to Monica Lewinsky by smutty, thigh-rubbing national pundits like Jim Pinkerton, Maggie Gallagher, Kathleen Parker, Chris Matthews. And pundits were in a state of shock at Wolf’s astonishing salary! In the Post, Richard Cohen called it “astounding.” The next day, Maureen Dowd chipped in with her musings. “You’ve got to respect a woman who gets a vice president to pay her a salary higher than his own,” the scribe purred. (Any guesses on how much Dowd gets paid?) Soon, Scripted Pundits were all aghast at the wild salary Gore had been paying. For example, here’s Tish Durkin on the November 5 Hardball. By the way, Durkin was Hardball’s idea of a “liberal.” Incredibly, she was on the show this evening to balance off anti-Gore views:
DURKIN: I think that the, the single most disturbing thing about the Naomi Wolf story is that he was paying her $15,000 a month. Money to burn? I mean, is that—she’s not running the campaign…Then what are you paying her $15,000 a month for?
Discussions like this went on for a month. No one could believe that Gore would pay a controversial adviser $15,000.

And then, on February 8, it happened. Breaking all rules of Pundit Comity, USA Today’s Drinkard went and mentioned Richard Quinn’s salary! Unlike Wolf, Quinn was actually out of the mainstream. And Quinn was being paid $20,000—one third more than Wolf. Since the press corps had been so deeply disturbed by the salary Gore paid his controversial adviser, surely the pundit class shouted long and loud about the big bucks John McCain paid his race man.

Please. In fact, the press corps was in the bag for McCain—and they’d been running a gimmicked-up War Against Gore since March 1999. So they did the thing your pundits do best—they simply spun you blue. How did they treat this pair of controversial advisers? In the month after Wolf’s salary first became known, Nexis records 324 media references to her $15,000 haul. And in the month after Drinkard revealed Quinn’s salary? Nexis records sixteen references to his salary! Sixteen. That’s less than three hundred.

Naomi Wolf was a mainstream figure. There was nothing odd about her campaign role. There was nothing odd about her salary. (And no—no one ever presented evidence that she told Gore to wear earth tones.) But Wolf’s role was reported in Month 8 of the press corps’ twenty-month War Against Gore, so they gimmicked up a set of wild claims. To what extent will they lie in your face? Fakers and frauds, they even pretended to be deeply disturbed by Wolf’s salary.

Meanwhile, McCain’s race man went largely unmentioned. Columns about his controversial views were few and far between. And how about his astonishing salary? Remember those numbers: 324 to 16! Readers, what ever happened to liberal bias? What ever happened to liberal bias when a mainstream figure like Wolf is flogged, and the GOP’s race men get airbrushed?

Senator Lott has supporters like Quinn, and others whose views are more extreme. But the press corps hates to discuss these dudes, and major scribes are now scratching their head about why Lott hasn’t praised desegregation. Readers! What ever happened to liberal bias when the most likely answer isn’t clear?

 

 

 

 

 

 



 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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