|
MEDIA - OTHER
4/25/04 <link>
With U.S. media: caveat emptor
The evidence that key sections of the media in the U.S. is not just
incompetent, but ready to be gamed, continues to grow. Via Kevin
Drum (Political Animal/Washington Monthly), here's a stunning
op-ed on "astroturf op-eds" by William
Adler in the Washington Post that reflects both on how the media
is easily gamed, as well as how academic standards are sometimes so
poor.
Everyone has quirks. Among mine is
an obsession with matters nuclear: weapons, power, waste. I've been
writing about little else for several years. So I was intrigued not
long ago to run across an opinion piece in my hometown daily, the
Austin American-Statesman headlined "Funds for nuclear waste
storage should be used for just that."
The March 4 op-ed by Sheldon Landsberger, a University of Texas
professor of nuclear engineering, argued trenchantly that the
government is fleecing electric-power ratepayers, who for more than
two decades have been contributing mandatory fees for the
development of a proposed national nuclear waste repository at Yucca
Mountain in Nevada. Landsberger charged that a portion of the fees
earmarked for the Nuclear Waste Fund is diverted to the U.S.
Treasury. "Denying the Yucca Mountain project an adequate level
of funding," he wrote, "is stealing money from taxpayers
who were required to support the waste management project."
Strong words. Familiar ones, too. So familiar that I was sure they
were entombed in the towering file of articles on nuclear waste that
I, ahem, maintain. I knew I could excavate the words eventually. Or
I could Google them. I typed in "Yucca Mountain" and
"stealing money"; 0.11 seconds later, I had my cite: A
Dec. 9, 2003, op-ed column in the State, the Columbia, S.C., daily.
It appeared under the byline of Abdel E. Bayoumi, chairman of the
department of mechanical engineering at the University of South
Carolina. Wrote Prof. Bayoumi: "Denying the repository project
an adequate amount of funding is essentially stealing money from the
taxpayers who were required to support the waste management
project."
Other sentences were identical, as was the entire last paragraph,
but this was no case of garden-variety plagiarism; Landsberger had
not appropriated the words of Bayoumi. Instead, as I was about to
learn, Landsberger and other engineering professors at universities
great and small had been sent op-eds over the past decade or more
and asked to sign, seal and deliver them as their own to their local
newspapers. The opinion pieces were written not by the academic
experts, but originally by a PR agency in Washington, D.C., working
on behalf of the nuclear energy industry.
But I'm getting ahead of myself. I called Landsberger, but he was
away for spring break. So I called Bayoumi, who was indignant that
someone might have lifted his words. "I didn't consent to let
anyone else use it," he said. "I told the State it was
only for the State."
Finally, I reached Landsberger. He told me he was unaware of
Bayoumi's column. Indeed, he was taken aback when confronted with
the similarities between the two pieces. His defense was odd but
convincing. He admitted immediately that he had not written his
column. "It was something which was written for me,"
Landsberger said, but he wouldn't say by whom. "I agreed with
it, I went over it, read it a couple of times, took all of 15, 20
minutes." Nor was it the first time he'd lent his good name and
academic credential into the service of an ideal in which he
believes: a nuclear-powered world.
"I've written five to 10 [such] articles over the last five
years," he said. "They come maybe two or three times a
year, particularly when there's a hot-button issue." They came
to him? Again, he wouldn't say from whom.
I returned to Bayoumi's column and typed its final sentence,
"The government should get on with it," into the
LexisNexis newspaper search engine. Up popped the same plaintive
wail in a Buffalo (N.Y.) News op-ed published July 26, 1993 -- fully
10 years earlier. (Bayoumi's column featured other lockstep language
as well.) Back to the phone. I asked if he had written the piece. He
said yes. "All the writing is my own," Bayoumi said.
"I have no knowledge of that [Buffalo News] column. I have no
idea who did what 10 years ago."
I believed him, just as I'd believed Landsberger when he said he was
unaware of Bayoumi's column. Nevertheless, I wondered what was
really going on.
Eventually it would become clear. Landsberger divulged that he had
received the op-eds from a fellow at Oak Ridge National Laboratory,
the Energy Department's nuclear research and development facility in
Tennessee. He wouldn't name his correspondent, but he did allow that
the man worked with Potomac Communications Group Inc., a
Washington-based public relations firm.
A quick visit to Potomac's Web page delivered the news that among
its clients is the Nuclear Energy Institute, the mighty
industry-funded lobby. On the NEI's Web site is a list of experts
whom reporters are encouraged to call for comment or technical
assistance with a story. One of those experts is Sheldon Landsberger;
another is Theodore M. Besmann, a nuclear engineer at Oak Ridge
National Lab.
You're nobody without a Web page, and Ted Besmann is no nobody. His
page on the Oak Ridge Web site helpfully mentions that since 1985 he
has moonlighted as a consultant to Potomac. Besmann, although not
overjoyed to hear from me, acknowledged that Potomac pays him to
ghostwrite letters to newspaper editors and to broker op-ed pieces
to engineering colleagues around the country. (He also is a prolific
correspondent under his own name; The Washington Post, for instance,
has published four of his letters, most recently in 2001. His
letters identify him as a "researcher" or "head of a
research group" at Oak Ridge National Lab, but not as a
consultant to the industry.)
I started searching LexisNexis and other databases for op-eds
written by academics the NEI touts as experts. I printed out a
healthy sampling, grouping them chronologically and by subject area.
Searching on key phrases led me to other academics' op-eds. Once
sorted, it didn't take a forensic crime lab to determine that one
person's literary DNA is all over those articles.
Take the argument that the increased use of nuclear power leads to
fewer greenhouse-gas emissions. Op-eds on that subject, for
instance, ran between 1997 and 1999 with different bylines in three
newspapers. Each writer dismissed the claims of
"environmentalists" or "skeptics" that
greenhouse-gas emissions "can be reduced" without nuclear
power. "They are dreaming," said one op-ed in the Wall
Street Journal on Dec. 2, 1997. Yes, concurred another in the Record
of Northern New Jersey on Jan. 5, 1998: "They are
dreaming." And Dallas Morning News readers awoke on April 5,
1999, to learn from Landsberger that those lazy enviros were still
in the sack: "They are dreaming," he wrote.
Or take the campaign to locate low-level nuclear waste facilities in
various states. Between 1990 and 1996, three academics and a
physician writing op-eds in newspapers in four states -- Nebraska,
Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Texas -- all assured readers that
nearby sites would "be among the safest and
best-engineered" waste facilities in the country.
Fascinated by all of this, I phoned the news editor at the weekly
Austin Chronicle, who told me to lace up my roller skates and get
going on a story -- which it published April 16.
The op-eds are ginned up by a prodigious copywriter at Potomac
Communications Group named Peter Bernstein, who works out of an
office in Alexandria. Bernstein did not return several messages tat
I left for him over a two-week period, but I did hear from his boss,
Bill Perkins, a Potomac founding partner. Perkins told me it makes
no difference whose byline is on an op-ed column; it's what the
piece says that matters. "Whether the words are largely theirs,
or largely not theirs, the views are. Nobody would submit an article
if they didn't totally agree with it," he said.
Besides, Perkins added, everyone does it. "I doubt that there
is a public affairs campaign by any advocacy group in the country
that doesn't have some version of this," he said. "The
op-ed pages are one of the ways people express their views in these
debates." But, I argued, these professors are not just
expressing their views; rather they express and adopt as their own
those of the nuclear lobby. Said Perkins: "This is fairly
conventional. It does sound as if you've got a fairly strong opinion
on this for a reporter."
Well, yes, I was upset to learn that the "by" in a
scholar's byline may well be a ruse, a duplicitous means of inducing
a lobby-authored, lobby-funded piece into print and onto the public
agenda. And sure, I recognize that many politicians don't utter a
word that a ghost didn't write and a focus group didn't approve, but
academic rules require that scholars' research and writing be
original. (And isn't that why PR firms recruit scholars to sign the
op-eds -- precisely because of their status as independent experts?)
Perkins said that it served no purpose to debate me, and there he
was right. One man's "editorial resource" is another's
op-ed mill, I suppose.
I hereby propose that the nation's editorial page editors ask at
least these two questions of outside contributors: 1) Did you write
this piece? 2) Are you a consultant, paid or not, to an organization
or interest group with a vested interest in your column? I'm not
advocating that editors bar from publication those who answer
affirmatively, only that their connection and/or interests be
disclosed in the author's bio.
On April 13, the Austin American-Statesman printed a letter of
apology from Landsberger. "Although I am in complete agreement
with the contents of the article, in my exuberance to have it
published I failed to state that it was not written by me," he
wrote.
An "A" for exuberance, however, does not earn one a pass
from compliance with academic guidelines. The University of Texas
relies on the federal Office of Research Integrity's (ORI) working
definition of plagiarism -- which includes the substantial
unattributed textual copying of another's work , according to
Sharon Brown, the university's associate vice president for
research. ORI defines such copying as "the unattributed
verbatim or nearly verbatim copying of sentences and paragraphs
which materially mislead the ordinary reader regarding the
contributions of the author."
A week before his published apology, Landsberger had told me it was
he who felt victimized. He had no qualms about using a ghostwriter
-- until he learned the ghost was two-timing him. "When I
started doing this, I was under the impression that, rightfully or
wrongfully, I was the only guy."
Is it acceptable, then, to slap your name on writing not yours, as
long as no one else declares it his or hers? "I had no problems
with them coming to me," he said, until he learned that other
professors were staking their claims to the same material. "I
felt betrayed, duped, whatever the word is."
I know the feeling, and either of those words will do.
6/1/03 <link>
Anti-democratic media consolidation vote
outrage perpetrated by FCC Chair Michael Powell and supported by Bush
This issue has generated intense opposition from the left, right and
center and snippets from a couple of articles written recently are
featured here.
Thane
Peterson (Business Week) (via BuzzFlash)
Stop
the FCC's Covert Operation
Michael Powell & Co. seem determined to
ignore overwhelming public opposition and endorse a secret
proposal on media consolidation
Here's a quiz. Name a
hot political issue that unites the following people and
groups:
Singer Neil Diamond
The National Rifle Assn.
The Consumers Union, the organization that publishes Consumer
Reports
Senator Trent Lott (R-Miss.)
Media mogul Ted Turner, founder of CNN
Entertainment and Internet mogul Barry Diller
The National Organization for Women
Conservative New York Times columnist William Safire
Code Pink, Women for Peace, an antiwar group
The African American/Asian American/Hispanic Caucus of
Congress
The answer: All are publicly opposed to the Federal
Communications Commission's plans to vote on new rules
governing media ownership on June 2. It's not clear exactly
what the FCC will be voting on because, incredibly, Commission
Chairman Michael Powell has never deigned to make public the
250-page document laying out the plan. But the general idea is
to loosen rules that restrict the share any one company can
own of the national TV market and allow cross-ownership of TV
stations and newspapers in local markets. Most analysts
believe the changes would lead to a wave of consolidation in
the national media market, which is already dominated by a
handful of big companies such as AOL TimeWarner (AOL
), Viacom (VIA
), and News Corp. (NWS
).
APPALLED
AND UNITED. Barring a last-minute change of
heart, Powell intends to go ahead with the vote, despite
requests for a delay from the two Democrats (out of five
members) on the FCC and a passel of lawmakers from both
parties. Powell won't share the details of the plan even with
Congress.
This is undemocratic and disgraceful. Whether you're
conservative, liberal, or in the middle, we should all be
appalled by the way the FCC is acting in this case.
First off, allowing further consolidation of the U.S. media
business is wrong on its face. Most of the usual "bigger
is better" arguments don't apply. Media companies don't
face the same sort of harsh foreign competition that confront
auto and steel companies, for instance, partly because foreign
ownership of them is restricted.
Moreover, our system of government invests print and broadcast
media with special privileges (one reason they're so
profitable) but also with special responsibilities precisely
because they are so important to the functioning of our
democracy. The "efficiencies" that come with mergers
will likely mean fewer reporters, less local news, and a
diminishing of the debate democracy needs to function.
NEW MATH. New technology
simply isn't taking up the slack. You may think what you know
about the world comes from the Internet, radio, and TV. But
most actual news gathering is still done by print
organizations such as newspapers, news agencies like the
Associated Press and Bloomberg, and news magazines like BusinessWeek.
Rush Limbaugh, Matt Drudge, and your favorite news anchor may
put a spin on information in the public domain, but they
aren't out gathering it. In small and medium-sized
communities, the local newspaper is the sole source of
information about government policies and local elections.
More consolidation is likely to hurt, not help.
Yet, Powell has held only one official public hearing on the
proposed changes, and has refused to attend most of the ad hoc
meetings held around the country by Kenneth Adelstein and
Michael Copps, the two Democrats on the FCC. The reason,
Powell says, is that he prefers to focus on empirical studies
-- and, in any case, the public has had plenty of chance to
comment via the FCC's Web Site (www.fcc.gov).
If you actually go to the site and read some of the empirical
studies the FCC is relying on, however, they're pretty
appalling. I came away wondering, why is the FCC making such
monumental decisions with so little real information to go on?
FUZZY LOGIC. The FCC staff
seems to have bent over backward to conclude that media
consolidation has few ill effects. Take this conclusion by
staffers Keith Brown and George Williams last September as to
why radio advertising rates soared 81% (68% excluding
inflation) in the five years after the FCC deregulated the
radio market. Almost all of the lift came from "economic
growth," they conclude. Oh really.
Rates might have gone up even more without consolidation, the
study says. "A greater presence of large national owners
in a local market appears to decrease the advertising rates
paid by national and regional advertising agencies."
Does that make sense to you? It sure doesn't to me. If
economic factors were, indeed, the cause of such a huge
increase, why didn't radio ad rates plunge when the recession
took hold last year? And why the emphasis on "national
and regional" ad agencies when one of the FCC's mandates
is to promote local diversity?
OVERWHELMING REACTION. The
study misses one of the main problems with radio
consolidation: That local advertisers have been squeezed out
by big national ad firms. The truth is that as media markets
consolidate, Wal-Mart (WMT)
and K Mart (KM)
may get good deals on radio ads, but a small, independent
hardware store has a hard time getting its message across.
Worse, many of the studies by their own admission don't prove
much of anything. For instance, David Pritchard, a journalism
professor at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, analyzed
coverage of the 2000 Presidential elections in 10 markets to
see if newspapers and TV stations with the same owner tend to
have a similar political slant. He was cautious in coming to
any conclusions. But if you read the footnotes, you discover
that four of the newspapers he discusses are owned by Tribune
Co. (TRB ),
which has the relatively unusual policy of not requiring its
cross-owned local outlets to coordinate their Presidential
endorsements. Doesn't that make the study even less
representative?
To its credit, the FCC has a wonderful Web site and an
electronic system that makes it easy for citizens to comment
on issues under consideration. To date, the FCC has received
more than 20,000 comments on its plans to change media
ownership rules -- and, as of a tally on May 8, they were
running more than 99% against. In addition, NRA members sent
some 300,000 postcards opposing the changes, and activist
groups such as MoveOn.org have taken out ads in major
newspapers criticizing the plans. Has the FCC considered this
outpouring? We'll know on June 1, but don't hold your breath.
UNMENTIONABLE PROTESTS. In
2001, two university professors studied five FCC decisions
going back to 1996 and found that none of the decisions
reflected public comment. One FCC staffer interviewed for the
study noted that electronic comments from average citizens
carry little weight with the commission because they are
"nontechnical in nature."
The FCC tends to be pretty cavalier about how it handles
public comment in general. For instance, Concerned Women for
America, a conservative group that aims to ensure that
"Biblical principles" are followed in American
public policy, discovered late last year that the FCC received
nearly 7,000 indecency complaints about CBS' Victoria's
Secret Lingerie TV show -- and logged them as a single
complaint. As a result, Concerned Women says, the FCC
officially counted only 97 complaints received during the
fourth quarter.
The bottom line here: If the FCC isn't listening to the
public, it isn't acting in the public good. To go ahead with
this vote on June 1 would be a travesty of public service.
|
Ted
Turner (Washington Post)
Monopoly
or Democracy?
On Monday the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is
expected to adopt dramatic rule changes that will extend the
market dominance of the five media corporations that control
most of what Americans read, see and hear. I am a major
shareholder in the largest of those five corporations, yet --
speaking only for myself, and not for AOL Time Warner -- I
oppose these rules. They will stifle debate, inhibit new ideas
and shut out smaller businesses trying to compete. If these
rules had been in place in 1970, it would have been virtually
impossible for me to start Turner Broadcasting or, 10 years
later, to launch CNN.
The FCC will vote on several proposals, including raising the
cap on how many TV stations can be owned by one corporation
and allowing single corporations to own TV stations and
newspapers in the same market.
If a young media entrepreneur were trying to get started today
under these proposed rules, he or she wouldn't be able to buy
a UHF station, as I did. They're all bought up. But even if
someone did manage to buy a TV station, that wouldn't be
enough. To compete, you have to have good programming and good
distribution. Today both are owned by conglomerates that keep
the best for themselves and leave the worst for you -- if they
sell anything to you at all. It's hard to compete when your
suppliers are owned by your competitors. We bought MGM, and we
later sold Turner Broadcasting to Time Warner, because we had
little choice. The big were getting bigger. The small were
disappearing. We had to gain access to programming to survive.
Many other independent media companies were swallowed up for
the same reason -- because they didn't have everything they
needed under their own roof, and their competitors did. The
climate after Monday's expected FCC decision will encourage
even more consolidation and be even more inhospitable to
smaller businesses.
Why should the country care? When you lose small businesses,
you lose big ideas. People who own their own businesses are
their own bosses. They are independent thinkers. They know
they can't compete by imitating the big guys; they have to
innovate. So they are less obsessed with earnings than they
are with ideas. They're willing to take risks. When, on my
initiative, Turner Communications (now Turner Broadcasting)
bought its first TV station, which at the time was losing
$50,000 a month, my board strongly objected. When TBS bought
its second station, which was in even worse shape than the
first, our accountant quit in protest.
Large media corporations are far more profit-focused and
risk-averse. They sometimes confuse short-term profits and
long-term value. They kill local programming because it's
expensive, and they push national programming because it's
cheap -- even if it runs counter to local interests and
community values. For a corporation to launch a new idea, you
have to get the backing of executives who are obsessed with
quarterly earnings and afraid of being fired for an idea that
fails. They often prefer to sit on the sidelines waiting to
buy the businesses or imitate the models of the risk-takers
who succeed. (Two large media corporations turned down my
invitation to invest in the launch of CNN.)
That's an understandable approach for a corporation -- but for
a society, it's like overfishing the oceans. When the smaller
businesses are gone, where will the new ideas come from? Nor
does this trend bode well for new ideas in our democracy --
ideas that come only from diverse news and vigorous reporting.
Under the new rules, there will be more consolidation and more
news sharing. That means laying off reporters or, in other
words, downsizing the workforce that helps us see our problems
and makes us think about solutions. Even more troubling are
the warning signs that large media corporations -- with
massive market power -- could abuse that power by slanting
news coverage in ways that serve their political or financial
interests. There is always the danger that news organizations
can push positive stories to gain friends in government, or
unleash negative stories on artists, activists or politicians
who cross them, or tell their audiences only the news that
confirms entrenched views. But the danger is greater when
there are no competitors to air the side of the story the
corporation wants to ignore.
Naturally, corporations say they would never suppress speech.
That may be true. But it's not their intentions that matter.
It's their capabilities. The new FCC rules would give them
more power to cut important ideas out of the public debate,
and it's precisely that power that the rules should prevent.
Some news organizations have tried to marginalize opponents of
the war in Iraq, dismissing them as a fringe element. Pope
John Paul II also opposed the war in Iraq. How narrow-minded
have we made our public discussion if the opinion of the pope
is considered outside the bounds of legitimate debate?
Our democracy needs a broader dialogue. As Justice Hugo Black
wrote in a 1945 opinion: "The First Amendment rests on
the assumption that the widest possible dissemination of
information from diverse and antagonistic sources is essential
to the welfare of the public." Safeguarding the welfare
of the public cannot be the first concern of large publicly
traded media companies. Their job is to seek profits. But if
the government writes the rules in a certain way, companies
will seek profits in a way that serves the public interest.
If, on Monday, the FCC decides to go the other way, that
should not be the end of it. Powerful public groups across the
political spectrum oppose these new rules and are angry about
their lack of input in the process. People who can't make
their voices heard in one arena often find ways to make them
heard in others. Congress has the power to amend the rule
changes. Members from both parties oppose the new rules. This
isn't over. |
2/17/03 <link>
Google
buys Blogger.com
This is most interesting news because Google now has the power (if it
wanted) to unleash an alternative media on the Internet - using
bloggers who will publish news that mainstream journalists won't. This
is the only chance for non-mainstream bloggers to challenge the
established mainstream press and its biases.
2/6/03 <link>
Worldwide
rankings of Press Freedom for the Sep 2001 through Oct 2002 period
U.S. ranks in the top 20 in spite of post-Sep-11 patriotic fervor, but
below Slovenia and Costa Rica. We reproduce the entire ranking table
below. Not surprisingly European nations (and Canada) dominate at the
top of the list. Some comments reproduced from the rankings:
"...The poor ranking of the United States (17th) is mainly
because of the number of journalists arrested or imprisoned there.
Arrests are often because they refuse to reveal their sources in
court. Also, since the 11 September attacks, several journalists have
been arrested for crossing security lines at some official buildings...."
| Rank |
Country |
Note |
| 1 |
Finland |
0,50 |
| - |
Iceland |
0,50 |
| - |
Norway |
0,50 |
| - |
Netherlands |
0,50 |
| 5 |
Canada |
0,75 |
| 6 |
Ireland |
1,00 |
| 7 |
Germany |
1,50 |
| - |
Portugal |
1,50 |
| - |
Sweden |
1,50 |
| 10 |
Denmark |
3,00 |
| 11 |
France |
3,25 |
| 12 |
Australia |
3,50 |
| - |
Belgium |
3,50 |
| 14 |
Slovenia |
4,00 |
| 15 |
Costa Rica |
4,25 |
| - |
Switzerland |
4,25 |
| 17 |
United States |
4,75 |
| 18 |
Hong Kong |
4,83 |
| 19 |
Greece |
5,00 |
| 20 |
Ecuador |
5,50 |
| 21 |
Benin |
6,00 |
| - |
United Kingdom |
6,00 |
| - |
Uruguay |
6,00 |
| 24 |
Chile |
6,50 |
| - |
Hungary |
6,50 |
| 26 |
South Africa |
7,50 |
| - |
Austria |
7,50 |
| - |
Japan |
7,50 |
| 29 |
Spain |
7,75 |
| - |
Poland |
7,75 |
| 31 |
Namibia |
8,00 |
| 32 |
Paraguay |
8,50 |
| 33 |
Croatia |
8,75 |
| - |
El Salvador |
8,75 |
| 35 |
Taiwan |
9,00 |
| 36 |
Mauritius |
9,50 |
| - |
Peru |
9,50 |
| 38 |
Bulgaria |
9,75 |
| 39 |
South Korea |
10,50 |
| 40 |
Italy |
11,00 |
| 41 |
Czech Republic |
11,25 |
| 42 |
Argentina |
12,00 |
| 43 |
Bosnia and Herzegovina |
12,50 |
| - |
Mali |
12,50 |
| 45 |
Romania |
13,25 |
| 46 |
Cape Verde |
13,75 |
| 47 |
Senegal |
14,00 |
| 48 |
Bolivia |
14,50 |
| 49 |
Nigeria |
15,50 |
| - |
Panama |
15,50 |
| 51 |
Sri Lanka |
15,75 |
| 52 |
Uganda |
17,00 |
| 53 |
Niger |
18,50 |
| 54 |
Brazil |
18,75 |
| 55 |
Ivory Coast |
19,00 |
| 56 |
Lebanon |
19,67 |
| 57 |
Indonesia |
20,00 |
| 58 |
Comoros |
20,50 |
| - |
Gabon |
20,50 |
| 60 |
Yugoslavia |
20,75 |
| - |
Seychelles |
20,75 |
| 62 |
Tanzania |
21,25 |
| 63 |
Central African Republic |
21,50 |
| 64 |
Gambia |
22,50 |
| 65 |
Madagascar |
22,75 |
| - |
Thailand |
22,75 |
| 67 |
Bahrain |
23,00 |
| - |
Ghana |
23,00 |
| 69 |
Congo |
23,17 |
| 70 |
Mozambique |
23,50 |
| 71 |
Cambodia |
24,25 |
| 72 |
Burundi |
24,50 |
| - |
Mongolia |
24,50 |
| - |
Sierra Leone |
24,50 |
| 75 |
Kenya |
24,75 |
| - |
Mexico |
24,75 |
| 77 |
Venezuela |
25,00 |
| 78 |
Kuwait |
25,50 |
| 79 |
Guinea |
26,00 |
| 80 |
India |
26,50 |
| 81 |
Zambia |
26,75 |
| 82 |
Palestinian National
Authority |
27,00 |
| 83 |
Guatemala |
27,25 |
| 84 |
Malawi |
27,67 |
| 85 |
Burkina Faso |
27,75 |
| 86 |
Tajikistan |
28,25 |
| 87 |
Chad |
28,75 |
| 88 |
Cameroon |
28,83 |
| 89 |
Morocco |
29,00 |
| - |
Philippines |
29,00 |
| - |
Swaziland |
29,00 |
| 92 |
Israel |
30,00 |
| 93 |
Angola |
30,17 |
| 94 |
Guinea-Bissau |
30,25 |
| 95 |
Algeria |
31,00 |
| 96 |
Djibouti |
31,25 |
| 97 |
Togo |
31,50 |
| 98 |
Kyrgyzstan |
31,75 |
| 99 |
Jordan |
33,50 |
| - |
Turkey |
33,50 |
| 101 |
Azerbaijan |
34,50 |
| - |
Egypt |
34,50 |
| 103 |
Yemen |
34,75 |
| 104 |
Afghanistan |
35,50 |
| 105 |
Sudan |
36,00 |
| 106 |
Haiti |
36,50 |
| 107 |
Ethiopia |
37,50 |
| - |
Rwanda |
37,50 |
| 109 |
Liberia |
37,75 |
| 110 |
Malaysia |
37,83 |
| 111 |
Brunei |
38,00 |
| 112 |
Ukraine |
40,00 |
| 113 |
Democratic Republic of the
Congo |
40,75 |
| 114 |
Colombia |
40,83 |
| 115 |
Mauritania |
41,33 |
| 116 |
Kazakhstan |
42,00 |
| 117 |
Equatorial Guinea |
42,75 |
| 118 |
Bangladesh |
43,75 |
| 119 |
Pakistan |
44,67 |
| 120 |
Uzbekistan |
45,00 |
| 121 |
Russia |
48,00 |
| 122 |
Iran |
48,25 |
| - |
Zimbabwe |
48,25 |
| 124 |
Belarus |
52,17 |
| 125 |
Saudi Arabia |
62,50 |
| 126 |
Syria |
62,83 |
| 127 |
Nepal |
63,00 |
| 128 |
Tunisia |
67,75 |
| 129 |
Libya |
72,50 |
| 130 |
Iraq |
79,00 |
| 131 |
Vietnam |
81,25 |
| 132 |
Eritrea |
83,67 |
| 133 |
Laos |
89,00 |
| 134 |
Cuba |
90,25 |
| 135 |
Bhutan |
90,75 |
| 136 |
Turkmenistan |
91,50 |
| 137 |
Burma |
96,83 |
| 138 |
China |
97,00 |
| 139 |
North Korea |
97,50 |
10/6/02 <link>
Washington
Post's ombudsman concedes its bias
One may even try to understand this if media bias is manifested by
avoiding coverage of personal opinion pieces by journalists; however, the kind
of bias shown by the Post in actually restricting coverage of events
and speeches by major opposition leaders is unacceptable and something
the Post's ownership should be ashamed of.
9/10/02 <link>
U.S. Newspapers ranking
and circulation
An interesting reference for the future. Note how the top newspaper
(USA Today) only has a circulation of a little over 2 million! (We
won't complain since the more trees saved the better).
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